To the economic difficulties is now added political and institutional discord. We thought that era of cold warfare between the president and his prime minister was over. That era of media storms and protest marches. Alas, everything brings us back to the painful recent past that we have already vomited up.

Economically, the country is struggling. The government is trying to climb out of the abyss of public debt, the depths of which have been relentlessly explored. The easy criticism and mockery employed by those who despise the current regime are a form of childish revenge. However, no Senegalese should rejoice in this regression. Even though we can acknowledge that things have been getting worse since Bassirou Diomaye Faye's election. Without waiting for the climax of a duel whose inevitability is now evident from all the signs, Pastef activists have already condemned Bassirou Diomaye Faye to a trial for "treason." Disapproving reactions have proliferated online since the official appointment of Ms. Aminata Touré as General Supervisor of the DIOMAYE PRESIDENT coalition, an act considered a dirty trick against Ousmane Sonko and his "project."

What are we allowed to hope for?

What can the disillusioned Senegalese people hope for from the three years remaining in President Faye's term? If not a petty squabble among PASTEF militants in preparation for the 2029 presidential election? A trench war between supporters of Sonko, "the people's man," and sympathizers of Diomaye, "the man who didn't want to be president." All of this bodes ill, less than a year before the Youth Olympic Games (YOG), which the President of the Republic has declared a "national priority."

According to paragraph 2 of Article 42 of the Constitution, the President of the Republic "embodies national unity." Therefore, can the Head of State be criticized for wanting to "build nationhood" after tumultuous years? These were years in which the country was fractured, in which every Senegalese suffered personally from the negative publicity given to OUR Senegal on the international stage. Bassirou Diomaye Faye, who presents himself as the patriarch, has nevertheless not renounced his ethics or his deep convictions, which he shares, moreover, with Ousmane Sonko. At the same time, the disagreements are becoming increasingly apparent.

Differences in substance and form

The current sequence of events is a deafening grenade that obscures the underlying dissonances between the two men. This acknowledged and displayed disagreement is merely the tree that masks the rhizome of a deeper, more pragmatic divergence. On one side, Diomaye favors a conciliatory and institutional approach; on the other, Sonko, the "man of the people," maintains his dogmatic convictions as a radical opponent, persuaded that a country cannot be reformed through mere compromises. However, structural reforms cannot replace simple, resounding pronouncements. The thunderous announcement, in a purely political context, of the rejection of public debt restructuring has created surprise, even astonishment, within the corridors of power and far beyond our borders. During the installation of the steering committee for the national stability pact, while the International Monetary Fund was in Dakar, Ousmane Sonko also announced an upcoming reduction in electricity, gas, and fuel prices. This statement seemed surreal to all serious economists, who questioned how this promise could be kept given the current state of the country's finances. We can confidently say that these public pronouncements further complicated the already difficult negotiations with the IMF.

On the other hand, when facing the IMF, the president of the High Council of National Defense is displaying diplomatic firmness. It's all about style. When tradition trumps progressive ideals, tact must guide your actions. The vast majority of Senegalese women are passively enduring an economic crisis imposed upon them. Thirteen months after the disclosure of the hidden debt, they are still waiting for a plan to resolve the crisis. On the contrary, everything suggests that the country is heading straight for a dark abyss.

Ousmane Sonko, “the people’s man”

The rally of November 8, 2025, demonstrated, if any proof were needed, that Ousmane Sonko's popularity remains undiminished. However, popularity, however immense, cannot alone define state order and the legitimacy of power. If Ousmane Sonko were a perfect and consensual embodiment of society, his leadership would not be so deeply divisive. This "man of the people" persona is a figment of the imagination, despite Sonko's immense popularity, like a modern-day General Georges Boulanger. The former French Minister of War was the leader of "Boulangism," the populist and nationalist political movement of late 19th-century France. "Boulangism exploited popular discontent with political scandals; General Boulanger's popularity rested largely on an innovative communication strategy, using songs, portraits, and a popular press to present him as a hero and a savior."

Ousmane Sonko will not give up. If there is one arena in which he excels, it is adversity. The Prime Minister has demonstrated his political and strategic fighting spirit in the face of the various obstacles that have arisen before him. As during Macky Sall's time, Sonko finds himself in his favorite position: that of the victim, the valiant wounded fighter, the persecuted opponent. Now in power, he is forced to admit that the powers of the Republic cannot be carved up like a pastry. The Constitution of Senegal is unequivocal.

Decided to change what is necessary while preserving what is valuable: the time of trials begins for Bassirou Diomaye Faye. The Head of State will have to demonstrate political skill to prevent major upheavals in the country during these turbulent times.